1Íkala, Revista de Lenguaje y Cultura
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
Mathias O. Chukwu
Lecturer, University of Nigeria,
Nsukka, Nigeria.
mathias.chukwu@unn.edu.ng
https://orcid.
org/0000-0001-6358-6449
David Olorunsogo
PhD candidate, University of Ibadan,
Ibadan, Nigeria.
sogodav@gmail.com
https://orcid.
org/0000-0001-9353-6864
Abstract
The interest of scholars in political discourse has always been drawn to the dynam-
ics of inaugural speeches and the implicit/explicit portrayal of ideologies. Extant
studies have explored discourse patterns, thematic orientations, power relations,
rhetorical devices, ideologies, and other issues in inaugural speeches. This paper of-
fers a holistic investigation of the recurring ideologies in first-term gubernatorial
inaugural speeches across Nigeria. The data for the study are drawn from 25 in-
augural speeches made between 2014 and 2015 across the 36 states in Nigeria.
The source of the data is Inaugural Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria
(2014-2017). Through the theoretical lens of van Dijk’s approach to critical dis-
course analysis, four ideologies were identified in the speeches. These manifest
ideologies in the speeches are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology, messianic ide-
ology, and democratic ideology. They are found to drive the establishment of the
authority of the governors through the process of sensitizing the citizens about
the governor’s interpretation of the election, the presentation of novel principles
and perspectives that the new administration would imbibe, and how they would
inform governance for the tenure. The reoccurring strategies actualized to proj-
ect the ideologies are consensus, polarization, lexicalization, presupposition, and
metaphors.
Keywords: ideologies, critical discourse analysis, discursive strategies, inaugural
speeches, polarization, political discourse
Resumen
El interés de los académicos en el discurso político por lo general se ha vis-
to atraído por la dinámica de los discursos de investidura y la descripción
implícita o explícita de las ideologías. Pocos estudios han explorado patrones
discursivos, orientaciones temáticas, relaciones de poder, dispositivos retóricos,
ideologías y otros aspectos de esos discursos de investidura. Este artículo ofrece
Ideologies on Display: A Critical
Analysis of First-Term Gubernatorial
Inaugural Speeches in Nigeria
Ideologías en evidencia: análisis crítico de discursos de investidura
de gobernantes en su primer mandato en Nigeria
Des idéologies à découvert : une analyse critique des discours d’investiture
des gouverneurs au premier mandat en Nigeria
Ideologias em evidência: análise crítico de discursos de posse de governadores
em primeiro mandato na Nigéria
Received: 2023-04-14 / Accepted: 2023-10-12 /Published: 2024-01-31
https://doi.org/10.17533/udea.ikala.353289
Editor: Luanda Sito, Universidad de Antioquia, Medellín, Colombia.
Copyright, Universidad de Antioquia, 2024. This is an open access article, distributed in compliance with the terms of the
Creative Commons license by-nc-sa 4.0 International.
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
Mathias O. Chukwu
Lecturer, University of Nigeria,
Nsukka, Nigeria.
mathias.chukwu@unn.edu.ng
https://orcid.
org/0000-0001-6358-6449
David Olorunsogo
PhD candidate, University of Ibadan,
Ibadan, Nigeria.
sogodav@gmail.com
https://orcid.
org/0000-0001-9353-6864
Abstract
The interest of scholars in political discourse has always been drawn to the dynam-
ics of inaugural speeches and the implicit/explicit portrayal of ideologies. Extant
studies have explored discourse patterns, thematic orientations, power relations,
rhetorical devices, ideologies, and other issues in inaugural speeches. This paper of-
fers a holistic investigation of the recurring ideologies in first-term gubernatorial
inaugural speeches across Nigeria. The data for the study are drawn from 25 in-
augural speeches made between 2014 and 2015 across the 36 states in Nigeria.
The source of the data is Inaugural Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria
(2014-2017). Through the theoretical lens of van Dijk’s approach to critical dis-
course analysis, four ideologies were identified in the speeches. These manifest
ideologies in the speeches are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology, messianic ide-
ology, and democratic ideology. They are found to drive the establishment of the
authority of the governors through the process of sensitizing the citizens about
the governor’s interpretation of the election, the presentation of novel principles
and perspectives that the new administration would imbibe, and how they would
inform governance for the tenure. The reoccurring strategies actualized to proj-
ect the ideologies are consensus, polarization, lexicalization, presupposition, and
metaphors.
Keywords: ideologies, critical discourse analysis, discursive strategies, inaugural
speeches, polarization, political discourse
Resumen
El interés de los académicos en el discurso político por lo general se ha vis-
to atraído por la dinámica de los discursos de investidura y la descripción
implícita o explícita de las ideologías. Pocos estudios han explorado patrones
discursivos, orientaciones temáticas, relaciones de poder, dispositivos retóricos,
ideologías y otros aspectos de esos discursos de investidura. Este artículo ofrece
Ideologies on Display: A Critical
Analysis of First-Term Gubernatorial
Inaugural Speeches in Nigeria
Ideologías en evidencia: análisis crítico de discursos de investidura
de gobernantes en su primer mandato en Nigeria
Des idéologies à découvert : une analyse critique des discours d’investiture
des gouverneurs au premier mandat en Nigeria
Ideologias em evidência: análise crítico de discursos de posse de governadores
em primeiro mandato na Nigéria
Received: 2023-04-14 / Accepted: 2023-10-12 /Published: 2024-01-31
https://doi.org/10.17533/udea.ikala.353289
Editor: Luanda Sito, Universidad de Antioquia, Medellín, Colombia.
Copyright, Universidad de Antioquia, 2024. This is an open access article, distributed in compliance with the terms of the
Creative Commons license by-nc-sa 4.0 International.
2Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
una investigación holística sobre las ideologías recurrentes en discursos de pose-
sión de gobernantes en su primer periodo en toda Nigeria. Los datos del estudio
se tomaron de 25 discursos de investidura pronunciados entre 2014 y 2015 en los
36 estados de Nigeria. La fuente de los datos fue Inaugural Speeches: President and
Governors of Nigeria (2014–2017) [Discursos de investidura: presidente y gober-
nadores de Nigeria (2014–2017)]. Mediante la perspectiva teórica del método de
análisis crítico del discurso de Van Dijk, se identificaron cuatro ideologías en los
discursos. Estas ideologías manifiestas en esas alocuciones son idealista, teísta, me-
siánica y democrática. Se halló que estas inspiraron la implantación de la autoridad
de los gobernantes mediante el proceso de sensibilización de los ciudadanos sobre
la interpretación de la elección por el gobernante, la presentación de los nuevos
principios y perspectivas que imbuirían la nueva administración, y cómo confi-
gurarían estos la gobernanza durante el mandato. Las estrategias recurrentes para
proyectar las ideologías fueron consenso, polarización, lexicalización, presuposi-
ción y metáforas.
Palabras clave: ideologías, análisis crítico del discurso, estrategias discursivas, dis-
cursos de investidura, polarización, discurso político
Résumé
L’intérêt des chercheurs pour le discours politique s’est généralement porté sur
la dynamique des discours d’investiture et la description implicite ou explicite
des idéologies. Peu d’études ont exploré les modèles discursifs, les orientations
thématiques, les relations de pouvoir, les dispositifs rhétoriques, les idéologies et
d’autres aspects de ces discours d’investiture. Cet article propose une étude holis-
tique des idéologies récurrentes dans les discours d’investiture du premier mandat
au Nigeria. Les données de l’étude proviennent de 25 discours d’investiture pro-
noncés entre 2014 et 2015 dans les 36 États du Nigeria. La source des données
était Inaugural Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria (2014–2017). En
utilisant la perspective théorique de la méthode d’analyse critique du discours de
Van Dijk, quatre idéologies ont été identifiées dans les discours. Ces idéologies
qui se manifestent dans ces discours sont idéalistes, théistes, messianiques et dé-
mocratiques. Les idéologies qui se manifestent dans ces discours sont idéalistes,
théistes, messianiques et démocratiques. Il a été constaté qu'elles inspiraient l'éta-
blissement de l'autorité des dirigeants par le biais du processus de sensibilisation
des citoyens à l'interprétation de l'élection par le dirigeant, la présentation des
nouveaux principes et perspectives qui imprégneraient la nouvelle administration
et la façon dont ils façonneraient la gouvernance pendant le mandat. Les stratégies
récurrentes de projection des idéologies sont le consensus, la polarisation, la lexi-
calisation, la présupposition et la métaphore.
Mots clef : idéologies, analyse critique du discours, stratégies discursives, discours
d’investiture, polarisation, discours politique
Resumo
O interesse dos acadêmicos pelo discurso político tem sido geralmente atraído
pela dinâmica dos discursos de investidura e pela descrição implícita ou explícita
de ideologias. Poucos estudos exploraram os padrões discursivos, as orientações
temáticas, as relações de poder, os dispositivos retóricos, as ideologias e outros
aspectos desses discursos de posse. Este artigo oferece uma investigação holística das
ideologias recorrentes nos discursos de posse do primeiro mandato na Nigéria.
Os dados para o estudo foram extraídos de 25 discursos de posse proferidos entre
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
una investigación holística sobre las ideologías recurrentes en discursos de pose-
sión de gobernantes en su primer periodo en toda Nigeria. Los datos del estudio
se tomaron de 25 discursos de investidura pronunciados entre 2014 y 2015 en los
36 estados de Nigeria. La fuente de los datos fue Inaugural Speeches: President and
Governors of Nigeria (2014–2017) [Discursos de investidura: presidente y gober-
nadores de Nigeria (2014–2017)]. Mediante la perspectiva teórica del método de
análisis crítico del discurso de Van Dijk, se identificaron cuatro ideologías en los
discursos. Estas ideologías manifiestas en esas alocuciones son idealista, teísta, me-
siánica y democrática. Se halló que estas inspiraron la implantación de la autoridad
de los gobernantes mediante el proceso de sensibilización de los ciudadanos sobre
la interpretación de la elección por el gobernante, la presentación de los nuevos
principios y perspectivas que imbuirían la nueva administración, y cómo confi-
gurarían estos la gobernanza durante el mandato. Las estrategias recurrentes para
proyectar las ideologías fueron consenso, polarización, lexicalización, presuposi-
ción y metáforas.
Palabras clave: ideologías, análisis crítico del discurso, estrategias discursivas, dis-
cursos de investidura, polarización, discurso político
Résumé
L’intérêt des chercheurs pour le discours politique s’est généralement porté sur
la dynamique des discours d’investiture et la description implicite ou explicite
des idéologies. Peu d’études ont exploré les modèles discursifs, les orientations
thématiques, les relations de pouvoir, les dispositifs rhétoriques, les idéologies et
d’autres aspects de ces discours d’investiture. Cet article propose une étude holis-
tique des idéologies récurrentes dans les discours d’investiture du premier mandat
au Nigeria. Les données de l’étude proviennent de 25 discours d’investiture pro-
noncés entre 2014 et 2015 dans les 36 États du Nigeria. La source des données
était Inaugural Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria (2014–2017). En
utilisant la perspective théorique de la méthode d’analyse critique du discours de
Van Dijk, quatre idéologies ont été identifiées dans les discours. Ces idéologies
qui se manifestent dans ces discours sont idéalistes, théistes, messianiques et dé-
mocratiques. Les idéologies qui se manifestent dans ces discours sont idéalistes,
théistes, messianiques et démocratiques. Il a été constaté qu'elles inspiraient l'éta-
blissement de l'autorité des dirigeants par le biais du processus de sensibilisation
des citoyens à l'interprétation de l'élection par le dirigeant, la présentation des
nouveaux principes et perspectives qui imprégneraient la nouvelle administration
et la façon dont ils façonneraient la gouvernance pendant le mandat. Les stratégies
récurrentes de projection des idéologies sont le consensus, la polarisation, la lexi-
calisation, la présupposition et la métaphore.
Mots clef : idéologies, analyse critique du discours, stratégies discursives, discours
d’investiture, polarisation, discours politique
Resumo
O interesse dos acadêmicos pelo discurso político tem sido geralmente atraído
pela dinâmica dos discursos de investidura e pela descrição implícita ou explícita
de ideologias. Poucos estudos exploraram os padrões discursivos, as orientações
temáticas, as relações de poder, os dispositivos retóricos, as ideologias e outros
aspectos desses discursos de posse. Este artigo oferece uma investigação holística das
ideologias recorrentes nos discursos de posse do primeiro mandato na Nigéria.
Os dados para o estudo foram extraídos de 25 discursos de posse proferidos entre
3Íkala I deologIes on dIsplay : a C rItICal analysIs of fIrst -term gubernatorIal I naugural speeChes
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
2014 e 2015 em todos os 36 estados da Nigéria. A fonte dos dados foi Inaugural
Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria (2014–2017). Usando a perspectiva
teórica do método de análise crítica do discurso de Van Dijk, foram identificadas
quatro ideologias nos discursos. Usando a perspectiva teórica do método de análise
crítica do discurso de Van Dijk, foram identificadas quatro ideologias nos discursos.
Essas ideologias manifestadas nos discursos são idealistas, teístas, messiânicas e de-
mocráticas. Descobriu-se que elas inspiram o estabelecimento da autoridade dos
governantes por meio do processo de sensibilização dos cidadãos em relação à
interpretação do governante sobre a eleição, a apresentação dos novos princípios e
perspectivas que permeariam a nova administração e como isso moldaria a governan-
ça durante o mandato. As estratégias recorrentes para a projeção de ideologias foram
o consenso, a polarização, a lexicalização, a pressuposição e a metáfora.
Palavras-chave: ideologias, análise crítica do discurso, estratégias discursivas, dis-
cursos de posse, polarização, discurso político
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
2014 e 2015 em todos os 36 estados da Nigéria. A fonte dos dados foi Inaugural
Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria (2014–2017). Usando a perspectiva
teórica do método de análise crítica do discurso de Van Dijk, foram identificadas
quatro ideologias nos discursos. Usando a perspectiva teórica do método de análise
crítica do discurso de Van Dijk, foram identificadas quatro ideologias nos discursos.
Essas ideologias manifestadas nos discursos são idealistas, teístas, messiânicas e de-
mocráticas. Descobriu-se que elas inspiram o estabelecimento da autoridade dos
governantes por meio do processo de sensibilização dos cidadãos em relação à
interpretação do governante sobre a eleição, a apresentação dos novos princípios e
perspectivas que permeariam a nova administração e como isso moldaria a governan-
ça durante o mandato. As estratégias recorrentes para a projeção de ideologias foram
o consenso, a polarização, a lexicalização, a pressuposição e a metáfora.
Palavras-chave: ideologias, análise crítica do discurso, estratégias discursivas, dis-
cursos de posse, polarização, discurso político
4Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
Introduction
Political discourse—a breeding space for the
investigation of the relationship between lan-
guage, ideology, and politics—is fashioned to suit
the beliefs and opinions of the citizens in favor
of political actors or governments (Fagunleka &
Olorunsogo, 2022; Odebunmi & Oni, 2012). In
McGregor’s (2003, p. 7) explanation of language,
it is understood that “our words are never neutral.
They convey how we see ourselves… our iden-
tity, knowledge, values and beliefs, and our truths.
Our discourse permeates everything we do.”
The expression of ideology, being a fundamen-
tal element in political discourse, is reproduced and
transferred through language in political speeches
(Olorunsogo & Akinade, 2020, Renaldo, 2021:
van Dijk, 2006). This implies that, as long as political
speeches are performed, there is the guarantee of
the continuity of ideologies. Consequently, insights
into the knowledge of the political and historical
realities and development of a political environ-
ment can be accessed through political inaugural
speeches (Ugah & Olaniyan, 2020).
The first formal address by an elected political
office holder is the inaugural speech, and it is rele-
vant to the political atmosphere of a given physical
context. Inaugural speeches are used by elected
executive members to perform high ideological
and persuasive functions (Biria & Mohammadi,
2012; Olusola, 2020). The persuasive function of
political speeches, in general, enables a political
actor to assert the politician’s or their political par-
ty’s power, knowledge, and ideology (Odebunmi
& Oni, 2012; Renaldo, 2021). Similarly, support
from citizens is galvanized in inaugural addresses
by justifying the legitimate process of attaining
power. This justification is achieved by the expres-
sion of various ideologies (Harrison & Boyd,
2018).
The inaugural speech is one of the many types
of political discourse that enables the projection
and understanding of political ideologies. Political
ideologies which are “a set of ideas, beliefs, values,
and opinions, exhibiting a recurring pattern that
competes deliberately as well as unintentionally
over providing plans of action for public policy
making” made visible through text, especially in
inaugural speeches (Freeden, 2001, p. 7174). As
posited by van Dijk (2006, p. 732), “discourses
make ideologies observable in the sense that it
is only in discourse that they may be explicitly
expressed and formulated.” Political ideologies that
manifest in inaugural speeches do not only present
the politician’s set of ideas, they also “predict citi-
zens’ general value orientation” ( Jost et al., 2009,
p. 324). It is against this backdrop that this paper
investigates the political ideologies that manifest
in the first-term gubernatorial inaugural speeches
in Nigeria, as a means to contribute to the under-
standing of the political sphere of Nigeria.
Inaugural speeches have attracted the interest of
scholars within and outside the Nigerian space and
from various research fields. Since this paper is pre-
mised within discourse analysis, a few recent studies
focusing on discourse and inaugural speeches are
hereby reviewed. In the area of discourse patterns,
findings of Olorunsogo and Chukwu (2021) and
Ezeifeka (2016) reveal that inaugural speeches
in Nigeria express the thematic structures which
are consciously woven to present the ideologi-
cal leanings of the newly inaugurated executive
members. According to Olorunsogo and Chukwu
(2021), these structures are also crafted to estab-
lish power and authority. In line with Olorunsogo
and Chukwu (2021), Ugah and Olaniyan (2020)
reveal that the inaugural speeches of governors in
Nigeria are used to explain the roadmap for the
future, they possess stances that are used to con-
nect with the people of the state.
Studies on the manifestation of ideologies in politi-
cal inaugural speeches have established that speakers
use the speech to convey both personal and party
ideologies through certain strategies. The strate-
gies identified by Biria and Mohammadi (2012)
are euphemism, metaphor, victimization and self-
glorification while Renaldo’s (2021) investigation
reveal that fictive, existential, and lexical presup-
positions are the salient strategies.
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
Introduction
Political discourse—a breeding space for the
investigation of the relationship between lan-
guage, ideology, and politics—is fashioned to suit
the beliefs and opinions of the citizens in favor
of political actors or governments (Fagunleka &
Olorunsogo, 2022; Odebunmi & Oni, 2012). In
McGregor’s (2003, p. 7) explanation of language,
it is understood that “our words are never neutral.
They convey how we see ourselves… our iden-
tity, knowledge, values and beliefs, and our truths.
Our discourse permeates everything we do.”
The expression of ideology, being a fundamen-
tal element in political discourse, is reproduced and
transferred through language in political speeches
(Olorunsogo & Akinade, 2020, Renaldo, 2021:
van Dijk, 2006). This implies that, as long as political
speeches are performed, there is the guarantee of
the continuity of ideologies. Consequently, insights
into the knowledge of the political and historical
realities and development of a political environ-
ment can be accessed through political inaugural
speeches (Ugah & Olaniyan, 2020).
The first formal address by an elected political
office holder is the inaugural speech, and it is rele-
vant to the political atmosphere of a given physical
context. Inaugural speeches are used by elected
executive members to perform high ideological
and persuasive functions (Biria & Mohammadi,
2012; Olusola, 2020). The persuasive function of
political speeches, in general, enables a political
actor to assert the politician’s or their political par-
ty’s power, knowledge, and ideology (Odebunmi
& Oni, 2012; Renaldo, 2021). Similarly, support
from citizens is galvanized in inaugural addresses
by justifying the legitimate process of attaining
power. This justification is achieved by the expres-
sion of various ideologies (Harrison & Boyd,
2018).
The inaugural speech is one of the many types
of political discourse that enables the projection
and understanding of political ideologies. Political
ideologies which are “a set of ideas, beliefs, values,
and opinions, exhibiting a recurring pattern that
competes deliberately as well as unintentionally
over providing plans of action for public policy
making” made visible through text, especially in
inaugural speeches (Freeden, 2001, p. 7174). As
posited by van Dijk (2006, p. 732), “discourses
make ideologies observable in the sense that it
is only in discourse that they may be explicitly
expressed and formulated.” Political ideologies that
manifest in inaugural speeches do not only present
the politician’s set of ideas, they also “predict citi-
zens’ general value orientation” ( Jost et al., 2009,
p. 324). It is against this backdrop that this paper
investigates the political ideologies that manifest
in the first-term gubernatorial inaugural speeches
in Nigeria, as a means to contribute to the under-
standing of the political sphere of Nigeria.
Inaugural speeches have attracted the interest of
scholars within and outside the Nigerian space and
from various research fields. Since this paper is pre-
mised within discourse analysis, a few recent studies
focusing on discourse and inaugural speeches are
hereby reviewed. In the area of discourse patterns,
findings of Olorunsogo and Chukwu (2021) and
Ezeifeka (2016) reveal that inaugural speeches
in Nigeria express the thematic structures which
are consciously woven to present the ideologi-
cal leanings of the newly inaugurated executive
members. According to Olorunsogo and Chukwu
(2021), these structures are also crafted to estab-
lish power and authority. In line with Olorunsogo
and Chukwu (2021), Ugah and Olaniyan (2020)
reveal that the inaugural speeches of governors in
Nigeria are used to explain the roadmap for the
future, they possess stances that are used to con-
nect with the people of the state.
Studies on the manifestation of ideologies in politi-
cal inaugural speeches have established that speakers
use the speech to convey both personal and party
ideologies through certain strategies. The strate-
gies identified by Biria and Mohammadi (2012)
are euphemism, metaphor, victimization and self-
glorification while Renaldo’s (2021) investigation
reveal that fictive, existential, and lexical presup-
positions are the salient strategies.
5Íkala I deologIes on dIsplay : a C rItICal analysIs of fIrst -term gubernatorIal I naugural speeChes
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
The rhetorical devices that are deployed in two
presidential inaugural speeches of one the ex-pres-
idents of Nigeria, as identified by Olusola (2020),
are assertion, pronouns, idioms, and allusion.
Also, the rhetorical strategies in the speeches of six
ex-presidents identified by Oparinde et al. (2021)
are metaphor, repetition, hyperbole, modalities, and
pronouns. Although both studies establish that
presidential inaugural speeches are greatly marked
with rhetorical devices which communicate poli-
ticians’ intentions, Oparinde et al. (2021) posit that
the rhetorical tools deployed in the speeches are
used for manipulative purposes by politicians.
Previous studies have offered insights into inaugural
speeches in the following areas: discourse pat-
tern and thematic orientation (Ezeifeka, 2016;
Olorunsogo & Chukwu, 2021; Ugah & Olaniyan,
2020), power relations, rhetoric devices (Olusola,
2020; Oparinde et al., 2021), and ideologies
(Biria & Mohammadi, 2012; Renaldo, 2021).
However, none of the studies holistically investigate
speeches across a country. Hence, the need for the
current study which investigates gubernatorial
speeches across the states in Nigeria to draw out
the shared ideological underpinnings of the polit-
ical actors and events of the country during the
period covered.
Theoretical Framework
This work relies on van Dijk’s (2006) socio-cog-
nitive approach to critical discourse analysis. One
underlying position of this approach in political dis-
course studies which recommends it for the present
study is the interweaving of politics, ideology,
discourse, and cognition. The approach takes the
position that the nature of politics as an arena of
contests, protests, and competitions implies that it
has to run on ideologies. These ideologies find dis-
course as a habitable space to be reproduced and
sustained (Sunday, 2009).
With emphasis placed on the structure of political
discourse, van Dijk (2006, p. 732) establishes that
the connecting lines between discourse and polit-
ical ideologies are drawn upon features such as
“biased lexical items, syntactic structures such as
actives and passives, pronouns such as us and them,
metaphors or topoi, arguments, implications, and
many other properties.” Ideology here is under-
stood as the foundational belief system shared by a
social group by which their social representations
are anchored. Ideology serves as the central coher-
ence force for a social group’s relationship with
themselves as well as with other ideological groups.
It offers access to aspects of the social group’s social
identity (Chukwu, 2023). Just like language, it is
socially owned and shared but individually acti-
vated in contexts of use.
The framework consists of two main discursive
strategies, positive self-representation (in-group
favoritism) and negative other representation
(semantic macro strategy of derogation of an out-
group), which form the ideological square (van Dijk,
2006, p. 734). The ideological square is a com-
prehensive framework that can be used to analyze
critical discourse. It demonstrates how language
may be used to alter public opinion, frequently
within the complicated dynamics of power
relations. This paradigm consists of four basic tech-
niques used by actors to further their ideological
goals through speech. To begin, “Emphasize our
good things” entails emphasizing the good traits
and successes linked with their own organization
or agenda in order to develop a favorable image
and generate support. Second, “Emphasize their
bad things” focuses on emphasizing opposing
groups’ or ideologies’ negative aspects and per-
ceived weaknesses to damage their credibility. Third,
“De-emphasize our bad things” entails downplay-
ing or explaining flaws within their own camp to
maintain their reputation. Finally, “De-emphasize
their good things” seeks to undermine opponents’
positive perceptions by shedding doubt on their
accomplishments or motives. Actually, van Dijk’s
ideological square is an invaluable tool for dis-
secting how language and discourse shape public
opinion.
The discursive strategies are materialized through
the deployment of discursive moves. Discursive
moves that are relevant to the data and purpose
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
The rhetorical devices that are deployed in two
presidential inaugural speeches of one the ex-pres-
idents of Nigeria, as identified by Olusola (2020),
are assertion, pronouns, idioms, and allusion.
Also, the rhetorical strategies in the speeches of six
ex-presidents identified by Oparinde et al. (2021)
are metaphor, repetition, hyperbole, modalities, and
pronouns. Although both studies establish that
presidential inaugural speeches are greatly marked
with rhetorical devices which communicate poli-
ticians’ intentions, Oparinde et al. (2021) posit that
the rhetorical tools deployed in the speeches are
used for manipulative purposes by politicians.
Previous studies have offered insights into inaugural
speeches in the following areas: discourse pat-
tern and thematic orientation (Ezeifeka, 2016;
Olorunsogo & Chukwu, 2021; Ugah & Olaniyan,
2020), power relations, rhetoric devices (Olusola,
2020; Oparinde et al., 2021), and ideologies
(Biria & Mohammadi, 2012; Renaldo, 2021).
However, none of the studies holistically investigate
speeches across a country. Hence, the need for the
current study which investigates gubernatorial
speeches across the states in Nigeria to draw out
the shared ideological underpinnings of the polit-
ical actors and events of the country during the
period covered.
Theoretical Framework
This work relies on van Dijk’s (2006) socio-cog-
nitive approach to critical discourse analysis. One
underlying position of this approach in political dis-
course studies which recommends it for the present
study is the interweaving of politics, ideology,
discourse, and cognition. The approach takes the
position that the nature of politics as an arena of
contests, protests, and competitions implies that it
has to run on ideologies. These ideologies find dis-
course as a habitable space to be reproduced and
sustained (Sunday, 2009).
With emphasis placed on the structure of political
discourse, van Dijk (2006, p. 732) establishes that
the connecting lines between discourse and polit-
ical ideologies are drawn upon features such as
“biased lexical items, syntactic structures such as
actives and passives, pronouns such as us and them,
metaphors or topoi, arguments, implications, and
many other properties.” Ideology here is under-
stood as the foundational belief system shared by a
social group by which their social representations
are anchored. Ideology serves as the central coher-
ence force for a social group’s relationship with
themselves as well as with other ideological groups.
It offers access to aspects of the social group’s social
identity (Chukwu, 2023). Just like language, it is
socially owned and shared but individually acti-
vated in contexts of use.
The framework consists of two main discursive
strategies, positive self-representation (in-group
favoritism) and negative other representation
(semantic macro strategy of derogation of an out-
group), which form the ideological square (van Dijk,
2006, p. 734). The ideological square is a com-
prehensive framework that can be used to analyze
critical discourse. It demonstrates how language
may be used to alter public opinion, frequently
within the complicated dynamics of power
relations. This paradigm consists of four basic tech-
niques used by actors to further their ideological
goals through speech. To begin, “Emphasize our
good things” entails emphasizing the good traits
and successes linked with their own organization
or agenda in order to develop a favorable image
and generate support. Second, “Emphasize their
bad things” focuses on emphasizing opposing
groups’ or ideologies’ negative aspects and per-
ceived weaknesses to damage their credibility. Third,
“De-emphasize our bad things” entails downplay-
ing or explaining flaws within their own camp to
maintain their reputation. Finally, “De-emphasize
their good things” seeks to undermine opponents’
positive perceptions by shedding doubt on their
accomplishments or motives. Actually, van Dijk’s
ideological square is an invaluable tool for dis-
secting how language and discourse shape public
opinion.
The discursive strategies are materialized through
the deployment of discursive moves. Discursive
moves that are relevant to the data and purpose
6Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
of study are as follows: actor description (how actors
and actions described with references to their
positive or negative characteristics), lexicaliza-
tion (utilization of specific lexical items that
overtly reveal the text producer’s opinion about
the identity of self or other), metaphor (indi-
rect and abstract reference to actors through the
characteristics and features of another entity), and
presupposition (pointers to assumption of the
truth of an unestablished proposition).
For van Dijk, ideology is not only social but
cognitive (Sunday & Ilori, 2020). As part of its
cognitive nature, it is often abstract until it is cap-
tured in a specific context. This context consists in
the main, mental models which are both personal
and social; personal as a result of individual mem-
bers’ experience of the events, and social as such a
model becomes common property of the social
group. The mental models are housed in the epi-
sodic memory, from where they place a control on
the individual members’ social practice, includ-
ing discourse. However, in a kind of inverse
relationship, it is through these mental models
that discourse bears its influence on its audience and
reproduces social cognitions and ideologies using
certain strategies, which van Dijk calls ideologi-
cal strategies. Examining political discourses from
this lens, therefore, offers access to the underly-
ing ideologies through which the thoughts of the
speakers could be accessed.
Corpus
The data for this study comprise 25 first-term
gubernatorial inaugural speeches across Nigeria. The
selected speeches are from Inaugural Speeches:
President and Governors of Nigeria (2014-2017;
Nigeria Governors’ Forum, 2017). The book con-
tains the inaugural speeches of the president of
Nigeria and governors of the 36 states within the
period 2014 to 2017. Out of the 36 gubernato-
rial inaugural addresses, 25 are first-term speeches
while 11 are second term speeches. Even though
Nigeria’s general elections were held in 2015, there
were states that had off-season elections, hence the
reason there were only 25 first-term speeches (out
of which 5 were before and after 2015). The gen-
eral election in 2015 marked a national departure
in Nigeria’s political space, as many scholars and
international observers argue that the 2015 elec-
tion is the most credible since the fourth republic
began in 1999 (Sule et al., 2018).
The 25 speeches were examined and the ideologies
that cut across all the speeches were identified and
analyzed using van Dijk (2006) approach to cda.
The in-depth reading of the speeches was carried
out, and a mapping was made to track the man-
ifestations of the dominant ideologies that are
evident in the speeches. The selected excerpts in
the discussion section are representational, and
they are exemplifications of the manifestation of
the identified ideologies in the 25 speeches. Thus,
exploring the inaugural speeches of governors
around the period is helpful in understanding the
political realities of Nigeria.
The ideologies as presented in Table 1 are nego-
tiated contextually with a possible departure from
their universal understanding and application.
Unsurprisingly, the identified ideologies reflect
polarization, and they are interrogated through
the ideology square.
Data Presentation and Discussion
In the first-term inaugural speeches, four domi-
nant political ideologies are identified (drawing
insights from the socio-cognitive approach to cda).
They are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology,
messianic ideology, and democratic ideology.
Idealistic Ideology
Idealism in this study refers to the lofty ideas that
could be called ideals but have no empirical evi-
dence to support their being realized. They are
good promises which are impossible by virtue
of contextual historical antecedents. It is found
prominent in the speech of first-term governors.
A typical example of this ideology can be seen in
Excerpt 1:
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
of study are as follows: actor description (how actors
and actions described with references to their
positive or negative characteristics), lexicaliza-
tion (utilization of specific lexical items that
overtly reveal the text producer’s opinion about
the identity of self or other), metaphor (indi-
rect and abstract reference to actors through the
characteristics and features of another entity), and
presupposition (pointers to assumption of the
truth of an unestablished proposition).
For van Dijk, ideology is not only social but
cognitive (Sunday & Ilori, 2020). As part of its
cognitive nature, it is often abstract until it is cap-
tured in a specific context. This context consists in
the main, mental models which are both personal
and social; personal as a result of individual mem-
bers’ experience of the events, and social as such a
model becomes common property of the social
group. The mental models are housed in the epi-
sodic memory, from where they place a control on
the individual members’ social practice, includ-
ing discourse. However, in a kind of inverse
relationship, it is through these mental models
that discourse bears its influence on its audience and
reproduces social cognitions and ideologies using
certain strategies, which van Dijk calls ideologi-
cal strategies. Examining political discourses from
this lens, therefore, offers access to the underly-
ing ideologies through which the thoughts of the
speakers could be accessed.
Corpus
The data for this study comprise 25 first-term
gubernatorial inaugural speeches across Nigeria. The
selected speeches are from Inaugural Speeches:
President and Governors of Nigeria (2014-2017;
Nigeria Governors’ Forum, 2017). The book con-
tains the inaugural speeches of the president of
Nigeria and governors of the 36 states within the
period 2014 to 2017. Out of the 36 gubernato-
rial inaugural addresses, 25 are first-term speeches
while 11 are second term speeches. Even though
Nigeria’s general elections were held in 2015, there
were states that had off-season elections, hence the
reason there were only 25 first-term speeches (out
of which 5 were before and after 2015). The gen-
eral election in 2015 marked a national departure
in Nigeria’s political space, as many scholars and
international observers argue that the 2015 elec-
tion is the most credible since the fourth republic
began in 1999 (Sule et al., 2018).
The 25 speeches were examined and the ideologies
that cut across all the speeches were identified and
analyzed using van Dijk (2006) approach to cda.
The in-depth reading of the speeches was carried
out, and a mapping was made to track the man-
ifestations of the dominant ideologies that are
evident in the speeches. The selected excerpts in
the discussion section are representational, and
they are exemplifications of the manifestation of
the identified ideologies in the 25 speeches. Thus,
exploring the inaugural speeches of governors
around the period is helpful in understanding the
political realities of Nigeria.
The ideologies as presented in Table 1 are nego-
tiated contextually with a possible departure from
their universal understanding and application.
Unsurprisingly, the identified ideologies reflect
polarization, and they are interrogated through
the ideology square.
Data Presentation and Discussion
In the first-term inaugural speeches, four domi-
nant political ideologies are identified (drawing
insights from the socio-cognitive approach to cda).
They are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology,
messianic ideology, and democratic ideology.
Idealistic Ideology
Idealism in this study refers to the lofty ideas that
could be called ideals but have no empirical evi-
dence to support their being realized. They are
good promises which are impossible by virtue
of contextual historical antecedents. It is found
prominent in the speech of first-term governors.
A typical example of this ideology can be seen in
Excerpt 1:
7Íkala I deologIes on dIsplay : a C rItICal analysIs of fIrst -term gubernatorIal I naugural speeChes
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
S/N Governors Year Ideologies
Idealistic Messianic Democratic Theistic
1 Gov. Willie M. Obiano 2014 No No
2 Gov. Okezie Victor Ikpeazu 2015
3 Gov. Bindow Umaru Jibrilla, 2015 No No
4 Gov. Udom Emmanuel 2015 No
5 Gov. Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar 2015 No No
6 Gov. Samuel Loraer Ortom 2015 No
7 Gov. Benedict Bengioushuye Ayade 2015 No
8 Gov. Ifeanyi Okowa 2015 No
9 Gov. David Umahi 2015 No
10 Gov. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi 2015
11 Gov. Muhammad Badaru Abubakar 2015 No
12 Gov. Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai 2015
13 Gov. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, 2015 2015 No
14 Gov. Aminu Bello Masari 2015 No
15 Gov. Atiku Bagudu 2015 No
16 Gov. Abdulfatah Ahmed 2015
17 Gov. Akinwunmi Ambode 2015 No
18 Gov. Abubakar Sanni Bello 2015
19 Gov. Simon Bako Lalong 2015
20 Gov. Nyesom Ezenwo Wike 2015
21 Gov. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal 2015 No No
22 Gov. Darius Dickson Ishaku 2015 No
23 Gov. Godwin Nogheghase Obaseki 2015 No No
24 Gov. Yahaya Adoza Bello 2016
25 Gov. Oluwarotimi Akeredolu 2017
Table 1 Manifestation of Ideologies in the Corpus
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
S/N Governors Year Ideologies
Idealistic Messianic Democratic Theistic
1 Gov. Willie M. Obiano 2014 No No
2 Gov. Okezie Victor Ikpeazu 2015
3 Gov. Bindow Umaru Jibrilla, 2015 No No
4 Gov. Udom Emmanuel 2015 No
5 Gov. Mohammed Abdullahi Abubakar 2015 No No
6 Gov. Samuel Loraer Ortom 2015 No
7 Gov. Benedict Bengioushuye Ayade 2015 No
8 Gov. Ifeanyi Okowa 2015 No
9 Gov. David Umahi 2015 No
10 Gov. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi 2015
11 Gov. Muhammad Badaru Abubakar 2015 No
12 Gov. Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai 2015
13 Gov. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, 2015 2015 No
14 Gov. Aminu Bello Masari 2015 No
15 Gov. Atiku Bagudu 2015 No
16 Gov. Abdulfatah Ahmed 2015
17 Gov. Akinwunmi Ambode 2015 No
18 Gov. Abubakar Sanni Bello 2015
19 Gov. Simon Bako Lalong 2015
20 Gov. Nyesom Ezenwo Wike 2015
21 Gov. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal 2015 No No
22 Gov. Darius Dickson Ishaku 2015 No
23 Gov. Godwin Nogheghase Obaseki 2015 No No
24 Gov. Yahaya Adoza Bello 2016
25 Gov. Oluwarotimi Akeredolu 2017
Table 1 Manifestation of Ideologies in the Corpus
8Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
Excerpt 1 (The 2015 Inaugural Speech of Governor Ben
Ayade of Cross River State): In the new Cross River of
our dream, there is a place and hope for everyone. There
will be jobs for the youth and prosperity for the work-
ing class. The resurgent middle class shall find anchor for
their roots and everyone shall find independence and
pride in their work. The wages of honest labour shall
liberate families from the jaws of hardship and no child
shall go to bed with an empty stomach. Neither shall
any mother be depressed by lack of access to medicare
[Health care services] for her children and loved ones.
Brothers and sisters, this is our dream! (p. 85)
This is an excerpt from the speech of an incoming
governor of Cross River State in 2015. It typifies
the flamboyance of political promises by people
who seek government positions in Nigeria, partic-
ularly those that seek executive offices. Lexically,
the word ‘dream’ used by the incoming governor
to describe what he is saying to the people of the
state places the speech at the level of metaphysics,
away from practical reach. By a deft deployment of
the ideological strategy of categorization, he talks
of “a new Cross River.” This new State with the old
name exists at the level of “our dream,” and it is to
be understood in the light of the old one which the
people have related with. This is to serve the pur-
pose of drawing an emphasis that the inauguration
to which the speech is a part is the beginning of a
new era with a clear departure from the past.
This is inherent in first-term inaugural speeches as
observed in the first inaugural speech of President
Obama (Biria & Mohammadi, 2012). In this new
state which yet exists in the imagination, the gov-
ernor promises a space for everyone. However,
in order to draw salience by concretization of his
promises, he resulted to itemizing what consti-
tutes “everyone.” By the details, nobody in the new
state will be faced with the difficulties of living
which even developed nations have not resolved.
These include access to satisfactory jobs, to food,
and to healthcare. All these future plans are salient
features of political inaugural speeches (Ugah &
Olaniyan, 2020; Olorunsogo & Chukwu, 2021).
In signing off on these promises, the governor
switches to the informal mode and deploys the
fraternal expressions “brothers and sisters.” This
serves two purposes in the instance of the dis-
course. First, it serves to endear the people to
him. As explained by Ugah and Olaniyan (2020),
gubernatorial inaugural speeches contain attitudi-
nal features that are used to connect with audience.
Such features in Excerpt 1 include the lexicaliza-
tion of “brothers and sisters.” Secondly, it serves as
basis for deploying the ideological strategy of con-
sensus where the governor insists that the new state
being described is the collective imagination of
all citizens and not a mere dream of the governor.
This is a kind of disclaimer in which the governor
suggests that the people take the blame when the
dream fails to materialize. It is as if to suggest that
nobody should hold the governor or his govern-
ment responsible for these promises because they
were supposed to be made possible by all the peo-
ple, considering that they all produced the dream.
The ground for shirking responsibility for the
colorful promises by the governor himself had
been prepared earlier through the deployment of
vagueness in the details of the dreamed new State.
In speaking about the middle class, the governor
names them as “resurgent.” Within the politi-
cal context of the speech, there is no link to why
they are resurging. Since his administration is
just starting with the inaugural speech, it cannot
be attributed to anything he has done. However,
since the facts of the promises are facts of a dream,
it is possible to see the resurgence as metaphysical
as the dream to which it is a part; hence the gov-
ernor refers to the middle class finding an “anchor
for their roots.” The manner in which the gover-
nor has deployed the two metaphors of anchor and
roots sourced from the marines and agriculture,
respectively, and with similar purposes, advances
the course of the promises as matters of a dream.
Metaphors are instrumental in driving ideolo-
gies in political speeches (Biria & Mohammadi,
2012; Oparinde et al., 2021). The two concepts
used here as metaphors are meant to provide a sta-
ble support system, one to a ship and the other to
a plant. While the former is activated as the need
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
Excerpt 1 (The 2015 Inaugural Speech of Governor Ben
Ayade of Cross River State): In the new Cross River of
our dream, there is a place and hope for everyone. There
will be jobs for the youth and prosperity for the work-
ing class. The resurgent middle class shall find anchor for
their roots and everyone shall find independence and
pride in their work. The wages of honest labour shall
liberate families from the jaws of hardship and no child
shall go to bed with an empty stomach. Neither shall
any mother be depressed by lack of access to medicare
[Health care services] for her children and loved ones.
Brothers and sisters, this is our dream! (p. 85)
This is an excerpt from the speech of an incoming
governor of Cross River State in 2015. It typifies
the flamboyance of political promises by people
who seek government positions in Nigeria, partic-
ularly those that seek executive offices. Lexically,
the word ‘dream’ used by the incoming governor
to describe what he is saying to the people of the
state places the speech at the level of metaphysics,
away from practical reach. By a deft deployment of
the ideological strategy of categorization, he talks
of “a new Cross River.” This new State with the old
name exists at the level of “our dream,” and it is to
be understood in the light of the old one which the
people have related with. This is to serve the pur-
pose of drawing an emphasis that the inauguration
to which the speech is a part is the beginning of a
new era with a clear departure from the past.
This is inherent in first-term inaugural speeches as
observed in the first inaugural speech of President
Obama (Biria & Mohammadi, 2012). In this new
state which yet exists in the imagination, the gov-
ernor promises a space for everyone. However,
in order to draw salience by concretization of his
promises, he resulted to itemizing what consti-
tutes “everyone.” By the details, nobody in the new
state will be faced with the difficulties of living
which even developed nations have not resolved.
These include access to satisfactory jobs, to food,
and to healthcare. All these future plans are salient
features of political inaugural speeches (Ugah &
Olaniyan, 2020; Olorunsogo & Chukwu, 2021).
In signing off on these promises, the governor
switches to the informal mode and deploys the
fraternal expressions “brothers and sisters.” This
serves two purposes in the instance of the dis-
course. First, it serves to endear the people to
him. As explained by Ugah and Olaniyan (2020),
gubernatorial inaugural speeches contain attitudi-
nal features that are used to connect with audience.
Such features in Excerpt 1 include the lexicaliza-
tion of “brothers and sisters.” Secondly, it serves as
basis for deploying the ideological strategy of con-
sensus where the governor insists that the new state
being described is the collective imagination of
all citizens and not a mere dream of the governor.
This is a kind of disclaimer in which the governor
suggests that the people take the blame when the
dream fails to materialize. It is as if to suggest that
nobody should hold the governor or his govern-
ment responsible for these promises because they
were supposed to be made possible by all the peo-
ple, considering that they all produced the dream.
The ground for shirking responsibility for the
colorful promises by the governor himself had
been prepared earlier through the deployment of
vagueness in the details of the dreamed new State.
In speaking about the middle class, the governor
names them as “resurgent.” Within the politi-
cal context of the speech, there is no link to why
they are resurging. Since his administration is
just starting with the inaugural speech, it cannot
be attributed to anything he has done. However,
since the facts of the promises are facts of a dream,
it is possible to see the resurgence as metaphysical
as the dream to which it is a part; hence the gov-
ernor refers to the middle class finding an “anchor
for their roots.” The manner in which the gover-
nor has deployed the two metaphors of anchor and
roots sourced from the marines and agriculture,
respectively, and with similar purposes, advances
the course of the promises as matters of a dream.
Metaphors are instrumental in driving ideolo-
gies in political speeches (Biria & Mohammadi,
2012; Oparinde et al., 2021). The two concepts
used here as metaphors are meant to provide a sta-
ble support system, one to a ship and the other to
a plant. While the former is activated as the need
9Íkala I deologIes on dIsplay : a C rItICal analysIs of fIrst -term gubernatorIal I naugural speeChes
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
arises, the latter is the very condition of being for
plants. In most cases, seeds begin to develop their
roots in their embryonic stage, such that the roots
are among the first things developed by plants for the
sustenance of their life. In the deployment of these
two stabilizing systems as metaphors, however, it is
suggested that the roots which grow naturally and at
the point of emergence are needing another stabiliz-
ing system of the anchor. This casts further shadow
on the phenomenon identified as ‘resurgent mid-
dle class’ and explains why they are the ones to find
this anchor.
The idealistic ideology of an instant solution to
nagging problems can also be seen in a varied form
in Excerpt 2.
Excerpt 2 (The 2014 Inaugural Speech of Gover-
nor Willie Obiano of Anambra state): It has always
been clear to me that the realization of my dreams
for Anambra State depends on how well we tackle
these challenges. The good news is that there is hope
for Anambra state. We shall aggressively address the
challenge of power supply with the proposed citing of
ultra-modern Independent Power Plants (ipp) in the
three industrial hubs in the state, specifically, in Onit-
sha, Nnewi and Awka. When fully operational, these
plants will generate enough electricity to power the
entrepreneurial dreams of our people. (p. 16)
Here in Excerpt 2, we also find the issue of dream-
ing very prominent; but unlike in excerpt one
where the speaker deployed the ideological strat-
egy of consensus to make the dream a collective
one, the strategy of polarization is deployed here.
In doing this, the governor has his own dreams for
Anambra State, while the people have theirs for
entrepreneurship. This clearly removes the peo-
ple from responsibilities of state and places the
responsibilities squarely on the governor who
owns the dream. By means of implication as a dis-
course strategy, it also suggests that the people of
the state are only interested in their businesses
and not in the collective issues that concern gov-
ernance in the state. This implies further, that the
people are selfish, while the governor is selfless,
bearing the interest of the entire state, including
those who are only concerned about themselves.
As part of his living up to his dreams for the state,
the governor brings good news to the people on this
first day in office. The good news is built on hope.
As a demonstration of the concrete parts of the
good news, he further talks about a plan to address
the power supply problem in the state, which is
known for its industry. In presenting how the prob-
lem would be resolved, the governor spoke of ‘the
proposed citing of ’ power plants in three different
economic locations in the State. He assumes in this
presentation that the people know about this pro-
posal and thus have believed in it.
This is a tactical move towards consensus where
the governor projects the governance system as
that which involves the people. He therefore does
not see any need to give further details on the
proposal beyond the town locations where they
would be cited. The idealism in this good news is
the fact that these are independent power projects
to be financed by privately owned organizations
and that it was still a proposal at the time of the
speech. That the governor saw no need to give fur-
ther details of proposed timelines support the fact
that it is neither under his control, nor is he sure of
their execution. In fact, eight years later, when the
governor has completed two terms, none of the
projects are in existence.
Messianic Ideology
The messianic ideology is ubiquitous in the inau-
gural speeches of Nigerian governors. One of the
major structures that bear this is to cast a subtle
shadow on the outgoing government while pre-
senting the new government and, indeed the new
governor, as one who has come to save the people.
Interestingly, even in instances where a governor has
already praised the outgoing governor to high heav-
ens, he still finds a way to announce himself as the
savior who has come to lead the people to Eldorado.
As revealed by Olusola (2020), politicians deploy
linguistic tools to assert themselves as the messiah.
Excerpt 3 offers a typical example of this.
Excerpt 3 (The 2015 inaugural speech of Governor
Nasiru Elrufai of Kaduna State): Today, before God
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
arises, the latter is the very condition of being for
plants. In most cases, seeds begin to develop their
roots in their embryonic stage, such that the roots
are among the first things developed by plants for the
sustenance of their life. In the deployment of these
two stabilizing systems as metaphors, however, it is
suggested that the roots which grow naturally and at
the point of emergence are needing another stabiliz-
ing system of the anchor. This casts further shadow
on the phenomenon identified as ‘resurgent mid-
dle class’ and explains why they are the ones to find
this anchor.
The idealistic ideology of an instant solution to
nagging problems can also be seen in a varied form
in Excerpt 2.
Excerpt 2 (The 2014 Inaugural Speech of Gover-
nor Willie Obiano of Anambra state): It has always
been clear to me that the realization of my dreams
for Anambra State depends on how well we tackle
these challenges. The good news is that there is hope
for Anambra state. We shall aggressively address the
challenge of power supply with the proposed citing of
ultra-modern Independent Power Plants (ipp) in the
three industrial hubs in the state, specifically, in Onit-
sha, Nnewi and Awka. When fully operational, these
plants will generate enough electricity to power the
entrepreneurial dreams of our people. (p. 16)
Here in Excerpt 2, we also find the issue of dream-
ing very prominent; but unlike in excerpt one
where the speaker deployed the ideological strat-
egy of consensus to make the dream a collective
one, the strategy of polarization is deployed here.
In doing this, the governor has his own dreams for
Anambra State, while the people have theirs for
entrepreneurship. This clearly removes the peo-
ple from responsibilities of state and places the
responsibilities squarely on the governor who
owns the dream. By means of implication as a dis-
course strategy, it also suggests that the people of
the state are only interested in their businesses
and not in the collective issues that concern gov-
ernance in the state. This implies further, that the
people are selfish, while the governor is selfless,
bearing the interest of the entire state, including
those who are only concerned about themselves.
As part of his living up to his dreams for the state,
the governor brings good news to the people on this
first day in office. The good news is built on hope.
As a demonstration of the concrete parts of the
good news, he further talks about a plan to address
the power supply problem in the state, which is
known for its industry. In presenting how the prob-
lem would be resolved, the governor spoke of ‘the
proposed citing of ’ power plants in three different
economic locations in the State. He assumes in this
presentation that the people know about this pro-
posal and thus have believed in it.
This is a tactical move towards consensus where
the governor projects the governance system as
that which involves the people. He therefore does
not see any need to give further details on the
proposal beyond the town locations where they
would be cited. The idealism in this good news is
the fact that these are independent power projects
to be financed by privately owned organizations
and that it was still a proposal at the time of the
speech. That the governor saw no need to give fur-
ther details of proposed timelines support the fact
that it is neither under his control, nor is he sure of
their execution. In fact, eight years later, when the
governor has completed two terms, none of the
projects are in existence.
Messianic Ideology
The messianic ideology is ubiquitous in the inau-
gural speeches of Nigerian governors. One of the
major structures that bear this is to cast a subtle
shadow on the outgoing government while pre-
senting the new government and, indeed the new
governor, as one who has come to save the people.
Interestingly, even in instances where a governor has
already praised the outgoing governor to high heav-
ens, he still finds a way to announce himself as the
savior who has come to lead the people to Eldorado.
As revealed by Olusola (2020), politicians deploy
linguistic tools to assert themselves as the messiah.
Excerpt 3 offers a typical example of this.
Excerpt 3 (The 2015 inaugural speech of Governor
Nasiru Elrufai of Kaduna State): Today, before God
10Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
and man, we celebrate the beginning of our liberation.
We rejoice in our good fortune and for the opportunity
of a new beginning. […] You have acted to start a new
era of hope, and of equality, and of opportunity, and
of a brighter future for all our children. As our leader,
Muhammadu Buhari, assumes the exalted office of
president of our country today, we salute fellow Nige-
rians for choosing unity over division, humility over
excess, honesty over duplicity, and hope over fear. From
today, we declare that we are slaves no more. (p. 152)
The temporal time marker, “today,” strategically
positioned at the beginning of the first sentence of
Excerpt 3, introduces polarization moves aimed at
distinguishing between the painful past and the
joyful new. It is a symbolic date, not particularly
marking the date of the event, but marking the
projected difference. It refers to us and our day
in contradistinction to them and their day. This
day is linked to freedom, captured in the speech
as “the beginning of our liberation” and “opportu-
nity of a new beginning.”
When the governor speaks of his inauguration as
the beginning of liberation, he implies that hith-
erto, the people have been in bondage. Since it
is his coming in as the governor of the state that
ushers in this liberation movement, it means that
he is the messiah sent to liberate his people and
set them free. This also explains the question of
opportunity to begin anew. The state had begun
well before, but some state actors led the people
into slavery; and now, his coming in as a man with
a sense of mission offers the people the opportu-
nity to re-begin their journey. Nonetheless, this
beginning spoken of is not the first part of the lib-
eration, for the liberation is already concluded.
The messiah has appeared on the scene, so all
forms of subjugation has ceased. This is why “from
today, we declare that we are slaves no more.”
In order to clearly mark the difference between
the present era and the people who drive it and the
outgoing government and the personalities that
people it, the governor further deploys the polar-
ization strategy through the use of series of binary
opposite terms where the new government is
represented with the positive term and the other
is represented with the negative term. Hence
the new government is represented with unity,
humility, honesty, and hope; while the other is
represented with division, excess, duplicity, and
fear. It is as if to say that the difference is clear; we
are the light, they are darkness.
One peculiarity of Excerpt 3 that should be noted
at this point is the submerging of the governor into
the president. Here the governor abandons his
immediate situation and begins to talk about the
election of the president, whom he refers to as “our
leader.” In other words, people are to see the liberat-
ing import of his election in the light of the election
of Mr. Buhari, the president. While this may appear
as a form of hero-worshipping on the part of the
governor, it serves to say that the victory which he
is celebrating has a bigger picture; it is not just the
liberation of Kaduna State but that of the nation.
In Excerpt 4, another demonstration of this ide-
ology is seen from Kogi State. Here, unlike in
Excerpt 3 above, the new governor speaks to his
people and about his state without any reference
to the new president, who is also his leader by vir-
tue of party affiliations.
Excerpt 4 (The 2016 inaugural speech of Governor
Yahaya Bello of Kogi State): Change has come to Kogi
State. I may be the torchbearer, and custodian of it,
but you, the great united people of Kogi State, are its
owners and proprietors. Let us arise together, take our
collective destiny in our hands and go forth excitedly
to chart our new direction. (p. 328)
The first sentence of this excerpt bears the full force
of the messianic positioning of the new governor.
Its declarative form imbues it with the power and
authority of indisputable fact. While the kernel
summary of what the governor perceives to have
happened to the state is represented in the ambi-
guity of the word “change,” the word could be
identified to share in what Stibbe (2015, p. 39) calls
‘psychological positivity’ of the unmarked polar pair
by its association with the implied “new.” This is to
say that change, in the context of this speech, refers
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
and man, we celebrate the beginning of our liberation.
We rejoice in our good fortune and for the opportunity
of a new beginning. […] You have acted to start a new
era of hope, and of equality, and of opportunity, and
of a brighter future for all our children. As our leader,
Muhammadu Buhari, assumes the exalted office of
president of our country today, we salute fellow Nige-
rians for choosing unity over division, humility over
excess, honesty over duplicity, and hope over fear. From
today, we declare that we are slaves no more. (p. 152)
The temporal time marker, “today,” strategically
positioned at the beginning of the first sentence of
Excerpt 3, introduces polarization moves aimed at
distinguishing between the painful past and the
joyful new. It is a symbolic date, not particularly
marking the date of the event, but marking the
projected difference. It refers to us and our day
in contradistinction to them and their day. This
day is linked to freedom, captured in the speech
as “the beginning of our liberation” and “opportu-
nity of a new beginning.”
When the governor speaks of his inauguration as
the beginning of liberation, he implies that hith-
erto, the people have been in bondage. Since it
is his coming in as the governor of the state that
ushers in this liberation movement, it means that
he is the messiah sent to liberate his people and
set them free. This also explains the question of
opportunity to begin anew. The state had begun
well before, but some state actors led the people
into slavery; and now, his coming in as a man with
a sense of mission offers the people the opportu-
nity to re-begin their journey. Nonetheless, this
beginning spoken of is not the first part of the lib-
eration, for the liberation is already concluded.
The messiah has appeared on the scene, so all
forms of subjugation has ceased. This is why “from
today, we declare that we are slaves no more.”
In order to clearly mark the difference between
the present era and the people who drive it and the
outgoing government and the personalities that
people it, the governor further deploys the polar-
ization strategy through the use of series of binary
opposite terms where the new government is
represented with the positive term and the other
is represented with the negative term. Hence
the new government is represented with unity,
humility, honesty, and hope; while the other is
represented with division, excess, duplicity, and
fear. It is as if to say that the difference is clear; we
are the light, they are darkness.
One peculiarity of Excerpt 3 that should be noted
at this point is the submerging of the governor into
the president. Here the governor abandons his
immediate situation and begins to talk about the
election of the president, whom he refers to as “our
leader.” In other words, people are to see the liberat-
ing import of his election in the light of the election
of Mr. Buhari, the president. While this may appear
as a form of hero-worshipping on the part of the
governor, it serves to say that the victory which he
is celebrating has a bigger picture; it is not just the
liberation of Kaduna State but that of the nation.
In Excerpt 4, another demonstration of this ide-
ology is seen from Kogi State. Here, unlike in
Excerpt 3 above, the new governor speaks to his
people and about his state without any reference
to the new president, who is also his leader by vir-
tue of party affiliations.
Excerpt 4 (The 2016 inaugural speech of Governor
Yahaya Bello of Kogi State): Change has come to Kogi
State. I may be the torchbearer, and custodian of it,
but you, the great united people of Kogi State, are its
owners and proprietors. Let us arise together, take our
collective destiny in our hands and go forth excitedly
to chart our new direction. (p. 328)
The first sentence of this excerpt bears the full force
of the messianic positioning of the new governor.
Its declarative form imbues it with the power and
authority of indisputable fact. While the kernel
summary of what the governor perceives to have
happened to the state is represented in the ambi-
guity of the word “change,” the word could be
identified to share in what Stibbe (2015, p. 39) calls
‘psychological positivity’ of the unmarked polar pair
by its association with the implied “new.” This is to
say that change, in the context of this speech, refers
11Íkala I deologIes on dIsplay : a C rItICal analysIs of fIrst -term gubernatorIal I naugural speeChes
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
to the new reality which is to be seen and under-
stood against its contrary old. The new is the new
government, the government of change, while the
old is the outgoing government. Thus, the ideolog-
ical square of us/them is already activated from the
beginning, and it contextualizes the word change to
mean something positive, a positive change.
In the second sentence, the governor initiates
the first move in hedging by choosing the auxil-
iary verb “may” instead of “am.” In doing this, the
governor does not intend to suggest any uncer-
tainty in his mind as to his messianic position in
the change that has been declared, but he delib-
erately intends to show his audience that he is a
humble person who does not arrogate much to
himself. There are many pointers that confirm
this. The first arises from the implications of
the first sentence. As has been noted, its declar-
ative form marks certainty without equivocation.
That is, the governor is convinced that change has
come. This advertised change is not arbitrary; it is
tied to his emergence as the new chief executive of
the state with all the powers to decide the direc-
tion of the state. So, if his election and consequent
assumption of office as the governor of the state
is tantamount to salvation for the state, then he is
the bearer of the salvific power.
His allocation of ownership of the change to the
people is a strategic deployment of the ideological
tool of consensus and serves to index the adver-
tised new within democratic ethics. In furtherance
of this move, he locates himself within the peo-
ple by the means of the pronoun “us” which needs
to “arise together” to chart “our new direction.”
What is seen here, therefore, is a case of a governor
who understands his emergence as the mark of his
people’s move to the promised land with him as
the long-awaited leader.
Democratic Ideology
Democratic ideology in the data refers to a com-
mon practice of describing the victory of the new
governor at the election as having been made
possible by the people. Perhaps this should be
expected in such political context, but the impli-
cation of such posturing is usually to say that the
election was a free and fair one and that the new
governor had emerged by majority votes cast by a
majority of the actual voters. As opined by Ball et
al. (2020, p. 22), “Democracy is so popular that
everyone will try to link his or her ideology, what-
ever it may be, to democracy.” This further hides
the fact that many of the elections were character-
ized by high incidents of electoral fraud, and the
supposed victories were still being contested in
the courts of law as of the time of the inaugura-
tion and of the speech. An example of this can be
seen in Excerpt 5.
Excerpt 5 (The 2015 Inaugural speech of Governor
Bello Masari of Katsina State): In voting massively for
apc, the good people of Katsina State, and indeed the
majority of Nigerians, have clearly demonstrated their
deep wisdom in judging those unruly dames and the
kleptomaniacal gentlemen of pdp by what they do,
and not by who they are. That, in effect, manifests the
essence and the true direction of democracy—judging
people by their actions and not by how the sycophants
and the praise-singers paint them. By giving us your
votes and your mandate, you have shown that democ-
racy can be deepened, that votes could count, and that
electoral malpractices could be overcome. For this, I
can never have enough words to express my gratitude
to you for your heroism. (p. 170)
The first thing to note here is how the polariza-
tion strategy is deployed. There are the us, the
them, and the you. The us is the governor and his
party, both at the state and national levels where
they have been declared winners of the elec-
tion, albeit with protestations from other parties.
There is also the them (the other), which refers to
the outgoing government, while the you refers to
the voters both in this particular state and in other
states where the governor’s party has been declared
winners. By means of a negative description, the
other is labelled “unruly dames,” kleptomaniacs,
and sycophants. This negative presentation of the
other suffices as a pointer to the people’s wisdom
in rejecting them at the polls, which is to say that
no sane person would want to continue to have
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
to the new reality which is to be seen and under-
stood against its contrary old. The new is the new
government, the government of change, while the
old is the outgoing government. Thus, the ideolog-
ical square of us/them is already activated from the
beginning, and it contextualizes the word change to
mean something positive, a positive change.
In the second sentence, the governor initiates
the first move in hedging by choosing the auxil-
iary verb “may” instead of “am.” In doing this, the
governor does not intend to suggest any uncer-
tainty in his mind as to his messianic position in
the change that has been declared, but he delib-
erately intends to show his audience that he is a
humble person who does not arrogate much to
himself. There are many pointers that confirm
this. The first arises from the implications of
the first sentence. As has been noted, its declar-
ative form marks certainty without equivocation.
That is, the governor is convinced that change has
come. This advertised change is not arbitrary; it is
tied to his emergence as the new chief executive of
the state with all the powers to decide the direc-
tion of the state. So, if his election and consequent
assumption of office as the governor of the state
is tantamount to salvation for the state, then he is
the bearer of the salvific power.
His allocation of ownership of the change to the
people is a strategic deployment of the ideological
tool of consensus and serves to index the adver-
tised new within democratic ethics. In furtherance
of this move, he locates himself within the peo-
ple by the means of the pronoun “us” which needs
to “arise together” to chart “our new direction.”
What is seen here, therefore, is a case of a governor
who understands his emergence as the mark of his
people’s move to the promised land with him as
the long-awaited leader.
Democratic Ideology
Democratic ideology in the data refers to a com-
mon practice of describing the victory of the new
governor at the election as having been made
possible by the people. Perhaps this should be
expected in such political context, but the impli-
cation of such posturing is usually to say that the
election was a free and fair one and that the new
governor had emerged by majority votes cast by a
majority of the actual voters. As opined by Ball et
al. (2020, p. 22), “Democracy is so popular that
everyone will try to link his or her ideology, what-
ever it may be, to democracy.” This further hides
the fact that many of the elections were character-
ized by high incidents of electoral fraud, and the
supposed victories were still being contested in
the courts of law as of the time of the inaugura-
tion and of the speech. An example of this can be
seen in Excerpt 5.
Excerpt 5 (The 2015 Inaugural speech of Governor
Bello Masari of Katsina State): In voting massively for
apc, the good people of Katsina State, and indeed the
majority of Nigerians, have clearly demonstrated their
deep wisdom in judging those unruly dames and the
kleptomaniacal gentlemen of pdp by what they do,
and not by who they are. That, in effect, manifests the
essence and the true direction of democracy—judging
people by their actions and not by how the sycophants
and the praise-singers paint them. By giving us your
votes and your mandate, you have shown that democ-
racy can be deepened, that votes could count, and that
electoral malpractices could be overcome. For this, I
can never have enough words to express my gratitude
to you for your heroism. (p. 170)
The first thing to note here is how the polariza-
tion strategy is deployed. There are the us, the
them, and the you. The us is the governor and his
party, both at the state and national levels where
they have been declared winners of the elec-
tion, albeit with protestations from other parties.
There is also the them (the other), which refers to
the outgoing government, while the you refers to
the voters both in this particular state and in other
states where the governor’s party has been declared
winners. By means of a negative description, the
other is labelled “unruly dames,” kleptomaniacs,
and sycophants. This negative presentation of the
other suffices as a pointer to the people’s wisdom
in rejecting them at the polls, which is to say that
no sane person would want to continue to have
12Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
such people occupy the governance seat of their
state (Olorunsogo & Ige, 2022). Yet this is not
just to acknowledge that the people have a justi-
fication to cause a change of leadership in their
state and nation using the democratic instrument
of election; it is a movement of generalization and
presupposition in which the governor wants his
listeners to take it as a matter of fact that his party
has actually won the elections by majority votes of
actual voters. This strategy is similar to Renaldo’s
(2021) position on factitive presupposition as
driving tool of politicians’ ideologies in inaugural
political speeches.
In Excerpt 6, this is achieved through the import
of the expression “in voting massively for apc”
which the governor strategically fronts at the
beginning of the first sentence of the paragraph.
He desires his audience to see this as an undisputed
fact. Of further interest here is the expression “the
good people of Katsina State, and indeed the
majority of Nigerians.” These are two categories
of voters who are being praised for their wisdom
and love for democracy, having elected two lead-
ers at two different levels, namely, the governor of
Katsina State and the president of Nigeria. While
it is the entire people of Katsina State that voted
for the governor, it is ‘the majority of Nigerians’
that voted for the president. This is a subtle dis-
cursive disclaimer and is constructed to further
portray the governor and his party as democratic.
In line with Biria and Mohammadi’s (2012)
position that politicians present the previous
administration (especially from different political
parties) in a negative light in first-term inaugural
speeches, the governor represents the old admin-
istration as darkness and the people of Katsina
as wise so that it should be clear why the whole
state should unarguably vote for him “massively.”
However, for the president who has to face a
larger audience, his election has to be by a major-
ity of Nigerians. Having presupposed that their
elections came by the popular participation of the
people and that they were free and fair, the gover-
nor suggests that this has put an end to electoral
malpractice and strengthened democracy. By
claiming that the people’s votes for his party has
destroyed electoral malpractice, the governor
further implies that electoral fraud is something
associated with the other and that their election
is the true reflection of democratic principles.
Therefore, the voters are heroes of democracy.
Evidently then, the governors self-represent them-
selves as lovers of democracy by informing that
the people chose them against other contestants
in free and fair elections. This centralization of
the voters’ role in the elections that bring them
into office can also be seen in Excerpt 6.
Excerpt 6 (The 2015 inaugural speech of Governor
Simon Lalong of Plateau State): Never before in our
history has our nation witnessed such outpouring of
yearnings for change in the direction of governance.
Never before have the common people stood up
against injustice and impunity of the powers-that-be.
Never before have our people demonstrated such unity
and resilience against campaigns of calumny, religious
and ethnic divisiveness, and massive financial entice-
ment. Never before has an electoral process imbued in
the people the capacity for their votes to really count
at the polls. Above all, never before has an opposition
party been able to oust the incumbent in a peaceful and
democratic election in this country. (p. 234)
Excerpt 6 represents the governor as excited.
The cause of his excitement is the democratic
ideals that he has found to characterize the elec-
tion which brought him into office. “Almost all
agree that democracy is a good thing” (Ball et al.,
2020, p. 22). As far as the governor is concerned,
the nation has never had it so good. This is evi-
dent in the anaphoric structure of the sentences,
of which all but one started with the expression
“never before.” In the first sentence, he talks of the
national history, which has no account of people
who yearned for change in governance. In his own
descriptions, this is an “outpouring of yearnings.”
This is similar to Harrison and Boyd’s (2018)
position that ideologies are used by elites to jus-
tify their legitimacy in order to motivate people
to follow, obey, and support them. The change
in governance, referred to by the governor, is his
election to office, and, perhaps, those of other
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
such people occupy the governance seat of their
state (Olorunsogo & Ige, 2022). Yet this is not
just to acknowledge that the people have a justi-
fication to cause a change of leadership in their
state and nation using the democratic instrument
of election; it is a movement of generalization and
presupposition in which the governor wants his
listeners to take it as a matter of fact that his party
has actually won the elections by majority votes of
actual voters. This strategy is similar to Renaldo’s
(2021) position on factitive presupposition as
driving tool of politicians’ ideologies in inaugural
political speeches.
In Excerpt 6, this is achieved through the import
of the expression “in voting massively for apc”
which the governor strategically fronts at the
beginning of the first sentence of the paragraph.
He desires his audience to see this as an undisputed
fact. Of further interest here is the expression “the
good people of Katsina State, and indeed the
majority of Nigerians.” These are two categories
of voters who are being praised for their wisdom
and love for democracy, having elected two lead-
ers at two different levels, namely, the governor of
Katsina State and the president of Nigeria. While
it is the entire people of Katsina State that voted
for the governor, it is ‘the majority of Nigerians’
that voted for the president. This is a subtle dis-
cursive disclaimer and is constructed to further
portray the governor and his party as democratic.
In line with Biria and Mohammadi’s (2012)
position that politicians present the previous
administration (especially from different political
parties) in a negative light in first-term inaugural
speeches, the governor represents the old admin-
istration as darkness and the people of Katsina
as wise so that it should be clear why the whole
state should unarguably vote for him “massively.”
However, for the president who has to face a
larger audience, his election has to be by a major-
ity of Nigerians. Having presupposed that their
elections came by the popular participation of the
people and that they were free and fair, the gover-
nor suggests that this has put an end to electoral
malpractice and strengthened democracy. By
claiming that the people’s votes for his party has
destroyed electoral malpractice, the governor
further implies that electoral fraud is something
associated with the other and that their election
is the true reflection of democratic principles.
Therefore, the voters are heroes of democracy.
Evidently then, the governors self-represent them-
selves as lovers of democracy by informing that
the people chose them against other contestants
in free and fair elections. This centralization of
the voters’ role in the elections that bring them
into office can also be seen in Excerpt 6.
Excerpt 6 (The 2015 inaugural speech of Governor
Simon Lalong of Plateau State): Never before in our
history has our nation witnessed such outpouring of
yearnings for change in the direction of governance.
Never before have the common people stood up
against injustice and impunity of the powers-that-be.
Never before have our people demonstrated such unity
and resilience against campaigns of calumny, religious
and ethnic divisiveness, and massive financial entice-
ment. Never before has an electoral process imbued in
the people the capacity for their votes to really count
at the polls. Above all, never before has an opposition
party been able to oust the incumbent in a peaceful and
democratic election in this country. (p. 234)
Excerpt 6 represents the governor as excited.
The cause of his excitement is the democratic
ideals that he has found to characterize the elec-
tion which brought him into office. “Almost all
agree that democracy is a good thing” (Ball et al.,
2020, p. 22). As far as the governor is concerned,
the nation has never had it so good. This is evi-
dent in the anaphoric structure of the sentences,
of which all but one started with the expression
“never before.” In the first sentence, he talks of the
national history, which has no account of people
who yearned for change in governance. In his own
descriptions, this is an “outpouring of yearnings.”
This is similar to Harrison and Boyd’s (2018)
position that ideologies are used by elites to jus-
tify their legitimacy in order to motivate people
to follow, obey, and support them. The change
in governance, referred to by the governor, is his
election to office, and, perhaps, those of other
13Íkala I deologIes on dIsplay : a C rItICal analysIs of fIrst -term gubernatorIal I naugural speeChes
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
candidates from his party. Hence, he tactfully
equates his emergence as governor to change in
governance. Meanwhile some of the newly elected
governors, including him, had been members of
the now opposition and had been part of the gov-
ernance at some levels, only switching parties as
a matter of political convenience. By projecting
the outcome of the elections as being due to the
people’s yearnings, the governor deploys the ide-
ological strategy of presupposition to imply that
it was the people that brought him into govern-
ment. That is, he would not even have contested
the election if it were not for the people’s yearn-
ings. In this, the governor erases the role of the
politicians in the election outcomes, including
actions that were anti-democratic.
In the second sentence, there is a clear case of us/
them polarization where the governor speaks of the
“powers-that-be.” These powers were characterized
with the negative other-description of “injustice
and impunity.” By the governor’s suggestion, it
is these two characteristic features of the powers
that ruled before now that made democratic elec-
tions impossible in the nation. But as of today, in
the new beginning, “the common people” have
fought against them and won. Put differently, he
and his colleagues who have been declared winners
of the election are in community with the common
people, while the other, the powers-that-be, are anti-
common people. As one who communes with the
common people, he and his colleagues are saintly
and are lovers of democracy, while the other is not
only anti-democracy but also thoroughly corrupt.
They do not only attempt to divide the people
along religious and ethnic lines; they also attempt
to induce the people with money to sway the gen-
eral public to their side. All of these the people have
rejected and insisted on voting him in as the one
they have yearned for.
Theistic Ideology
One of the belief systems dominant in societ-
ies is Theism (Slife & Zhang, 2014). It is not a
surprise that theistic ideology is one of the most
common ideologies found across the speeches
of the governors across faiths and regions. It con-
sists of professed belief in God by the governors.
The most common pattern in the speeches is to
acknowledge God and thank him for the victory
in the elections, but it also includes outright quota-
tion from the Scriptures—the Bible or the Quran.
Excerpts 8 and 9 below exemplify the first type.
Excerpt 8 (The 2015 inaugural speech of Governor
Nasiru Elrufai of Kaduna State): We are grateful to
Almighty God who, in His infinite mercy, has de-
creed this day. (p. 152)
One peculiarity of Excerpt 8 is its structural posi-
tion in the speech: it is the first utterance of the
governor. As is common with most political
speeches, the governor deploys the inclusive pro-
noun “we” to suggest that the belief which he is
expressing is commonly held among his audience
as well. In this utterance there are three parts, each
bearing an implication and, at the same time, con-
tributing to the central perception of the governor
on the election and the day’s event. The first bor-
ders on owing gratitude to God, who is mighty
in all things (almighty). The notion of being
almighty comes from the adjectival qualification
which suggests that it is deliberately deployed to
give a character of might to God. As the one who
is almighty, he is able to do all things, particularly
to those who know him and worship him, like the
governor. This becomes the foundation for the
second part of the utterance which is a further
description of the “Almighty God.”
In this second part, it is to be seen that even though
this God is full of might over all things, he is also
merciful to an infinite degree. This presupposes
that even though the governor has won the election
through this God’s might, it is a kind of unmerited
gift to him. That is, the governor wants his audience
to see him in his self-abased humility as not being
worthy of such elevation. While the governor’s ref-
erence to “this day” could literally mean the day of
his inauguration and of his speech, it ultimately
refers to his becoming the governor of his state. So,
while he suggests that he has emerged the governor
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
candidates from his party. Hence, he tactfully
equates his emergence as governor to change in
governance. Meanwhile some of the newly elected
governors, including him, had been members of
the now opposition and had been part of the gov-
ernance at some levels, only switching parties as
a matter of political convenience. By projecting
the outcome of the elections as being due to the
people’s yearnings, the governor deploys the ide-
ological strategy of presupposition to imply that
it was the people that brought him into govern-
ment. That is, he would not even have contested
the election if it were not for the people’s yearn-
ings. In this, the governor erases the role of the
politicians in the election outcomes, including
actions that were anti-democratic.
In the second sentence, there is a clear case of us/
them polarization where the governor speaks of the
“powers-that-be.” These powers were characterized
with the negative other-description of “injustice
and impunity.” By the governor’s suggestion, it
is these two characteristic features of the powers
that ruled before now that made democratic elec-
tions impossible in the nation. But as of today, in
the new beginning, “the common people” have
fought against them and won. Put differently, he
and his colleagues who have been declared winners
of the election are in community with the common
people, while the other, the powers-that-be, are anti-
common people. As one who communes with the
common people, he and his colleagues are saintly
and are lovers of democracy, while the other is not
only anti-democracy but also thoroughly corrupt.
They do not only attempt to divide the people
along religious and ethnic lines; they also attempt
to induce the people with money to sway the gen-
eral public to their side. All of these the people have
rejected and insisted on voting him in as the one
they have yearned for.
Theistic Ideology
One of the belief systems dominant in societ-
ies is Theism (Slife & Zhang, 2014). It is not a
surprise that theistic ideology is one of the most
common ideologies found across the speeches
of the governors across faiths and regions. It con-
sists of professed belief in God by the governors.
The most common pattern in the speeches is to
acknowledge God and thank him for the victory
in the elections, but it also includes outright quota-
tion from the Scriptures—the Bible or the Quran.
Excerpts 8 and 9 below exemplify the first type.
Excerpt 8 (The 2015 inaugural speech of Governor
Nasiru Elrufai of Kaduna State): We are grateful to
Almighty God who, in His infinite mercy, has de-
creed this day. (p. 152)
One peculiarity of Excerpt 8 is its structural posi-
tion in the speech: it is the first utterance of the
governor. As is common with most political
speeches, the governor deploys the inclusive pro-
noun “we” to suggest that the belief which he is
expressing is commonly held among his audience
as well. In this utterance there are three parts, each
bearing an implication and, at the same time, con-
tributing to the central perception of the governor
on the election and the day’s event. The first bor-
ders on owing gratitude to God, who is mighty
in all things (almighty). The notion of being
almighty comes from the adjectival qualification
which suggests that it is deliberately deployed to
give a character of might to God. As the one who
is almighty, he is able to do all things, particularly
to those who know him and worship him, like the
governor. This becomes the foundation for the
second part of the utterance which is a further
description of the “Almighty God.”
In this second part, it is to be seen that even though
this God is full of might over all things, he is also
merciful to an infinite degree. This presupposes
that even though the governor has won the election
through this God’s might, it is a kind of unmerited
gift to him. That is, the governor wants his audience
to see him in his self-abased humility as not being
worthy of such elevation. While the governor’s ref-
erence to “this day” could literally mean the day of
his inauguration and of his speech, it ultimately
refers to his becoming the governor of his state. So,
while he suggests that he has emerged the governor
14Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
by means of God’s mercy, he also does not want
anyone to lose the point that his becoming the
governor is by God’s decree. In other words, even
though the election was contested and his emer-
gence was still a subject of litigation at the time
of his speech, there is nothing anybody can do to
change his emergence because the Almighty God
has “decreed” it. The general implication of this
act of attributing the victory of politicians to God
is to hide the usual desperation exhibited by poli-
ticians during elections. It tends to represent them
as saints and passive participants in the election,
and this could be a form of manipulation. A simi-
lar kind of text is presented in Excerpt 9.
Excerpt 9 (The inauguration of Mr Oluwarotimi Ak-
eredolu, the governor of Ondo State, 2017): Ladies
and gentlemen, for us to see the change we all desire,
we must be ready to constitute ourselves into change
evangelists with exceptional missionary zeal to suc-
ceed. We must know that the man in the mirror is
you and I. We need to have faith and find courage in
the words of the good scripture that says: Those who
hope in the Lord will renew their strength. They will
soar on wings like eagles. They will run and not grow
weary. They will walk and not faint. (p. 338)
Like in many of the speeches already seen, the gov-
ernor’s deployment of the inclusive pronouns “us”
and “we” is first to make the task of governance
appear as a matter in which the people have great
stakes. This fundamental propositioning of the
people is done through topos wherein the posi-
tion is taken as the standard view. The implication
of representing the people as stakeholders in the
state governance may appear to be a demonstra-
tion of some democratic disposition on the part
of the governor, but it is actually meant to say that
state failure is a collective failure. That is, the gov-
ernor is doing this to find a basis to absolve himself
from taking responsibility over the poor perfor-
mance that might characterize his leadership. In
order to cement this, he packages his speech in
critically Christian religious discourse, quoting
directly from the Bible, albeit without referencing
it. The first of this move is his demand that the
people must assume the frame of “change evange-
lists with exceptional missionary zeal.” Evangelists
in Christian theology are known for preaching
the message of Christ. Missionaries are usually
focused on the same preaching but often with the
aim of converting a group of people to their faith.
In the political context of the governor’s speech,
therefore, the governor is demanding from the
people to become his emissaries bearing the mes-
sage of change, the change that is his emergence
as the governor, not anything that he has done
yet. They are to bear this message with the zeal
that is targeted at bringing others in as converts.
For a basis, the governor then refers the people to
faith and courage in the Biblical scripture. They
need faith because that is what will account for
the lack of logical and evidential proof of the mes-
sage, and courage because there would be no way
to bear such a message without being courageous.
He then moves to the scriptural text, directing
the people’s hope to “the Lord.” In doing this, he
practically takes himself away from the position of
responsibility for the people’s welfare.
Conclusion
In this paper, the dominant ideologies that perme-
ate the inaugural speeches of first-term governors
in Nigeria have been accounted for. The ideologies
are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology, messi-
anic ideology, and democratic ideology. The main
strategies deployed in the speeches are consensus,
polarization, lexicalization, presupposition, and
metaphors. Through polarization, there is the uti-
lization of personal pronouns. The first-person
pronoun I is deployed to establish the authority
and commitment of governors, while we and us are
used to motivate social action and social commit-
ment. The third person pronouns are usually used
to present out-groups (van Dijk, 2006); and in the
context of the selected speeches, these third person
pronouns are used to reference the successes and
failures (mostly) of previous administrations, and
they are also used to negatively project other politi-
cal parties. Lexicalization is used to project cultural
and societal nuances that established the ideologi-
cal drive of the governors for the term. Metaphors
are drawn upon to create mental comparisons.
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
by means of God’s mercy, he also does not want
anyone to lose the point that his becoming the
governor is by God’s decree. In other words, even
though the election was contested and his emer-
gence was still a subject of litigation at the time
of his speech, there is nothing anybody can do to
change his emergence because the Almighty God
has “decreed” it. The general implication of this
act of attributing the victory of politicians to God
is to hide the usual desperation exhibited by poli-
ticians during elections. It tends to represent them
as saints and passive participants in the election,
and this could be a form of manipulation. A simi-
lar kind of text is presented in Excerpt 9.
Excerpt 9 (The inauguration of Mr Oluwarotimi Ak-
eredolu, the governor of Ondo State, 2017): Ladies
and gentlemen, for us to see the change we all desire,
we must be ready to constitute ourselves into change
evangelists with exceptional missionary zeal to suc-
ceed. We must know that the man in the mirror is
you and I. We need to have faith and find courage in
the words of the good scripture that says: Those who
hope in the Lord will renew their strength. They will
soar on wings like eagles. They will run and not grow
weary. They will walk and not faint. (p. 338)
Like in many of the speeches already seen, the gov-
ernor’s deployment of the inclusive pronouns “us”
and “we” is first to make the task of governance
appear as a matter in which the people have great
stakes. This fundamental propositioning of the
people is done through topos wherein the posi-
tion is taken as the standard view. The implication
of representing the people as stakeholders in the
state governance may appear to be a demonstra-
tion of some democratic disposition on the part
of the governor, but it is actually meant to say that
state failure is a collective failure. That is, the gov-
ernor is doing this to find a basis to absolve himself
from taking responsibility over the poor perfor-
mance that might characterize his leadership. In
order to cement this, he packages his speech in
critically Christian religious discourse, quoting
directly from the Bible, albeit without referencing
it. The first of this move is his demand that the
people must assume the frame of “change evange-
lists with exceptional missionary zeal.” Evangelists
in Christian theology are known for preaching
the message of Christ. Missionaries are usually
focused on the same preaching but often with the
aim of converting a group of people to their faith.
In the political context of the governor’s speech,
therefore, the governor is demanding from the
people to become his emissaries bearing the mes-
sage of change, the change that is his emergence
as the governor, not anything that he has done
yet. They are to bear this message with the zeal
that is targeted at bringing others in as converts.
For a basis, the governor then refers the people to
faith and courage in the Biblical scripture. They
need faith because that is what will account for
the lack of logical and evidential proof of the mes-
sage, and courage because there would be no way
to bear such a message without being courageous.
He then moves to the scriptural text, directing
the people’s hope to “the Lord.” In doing this, he
practically takes himself away from the position of
responsibility for the people’s welfare.
Conclusion
In this paper, the dominant ideologies that perme-
ate the inaugural speeches of first-term governors
in Nigeria have been accounted for. The ideologies
are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology, messi-
anic ideology, and democratic ideology. The main
strategies deployed in the speeches are consensus,
polarization, lexicalization, presupposition, and
metaphors. Through polarization, there is the uti-
lization of personal pronouns. The first-person
pronoun I is deployed to establish the authority
and commitment of governors, while we and us are
used to motivate social action and social commit-
ment. The third person pronouns are usually used
to present out-groups (van Dijk, 2006); and in the
context of the selected speeches, these third person
pronouns are used to reference the successes and
failures (mostly) of previous administrations, and
they are also used to negatively project other politi-
cal parties. Lexicalization is used to project cultural
and societal nuances that established the ideologi-
cal drive of the governors for the term. Metaphors
are drawn upon to create mental comparisons.
15Íkala I deologIes on dIsplay : a C rItICal analysIs of fIrst -term gubernatorIal I naugural speeChes
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
As established by earlier studies (Biria &
Mohammadi, 2012; Renaldo, 2021), the inaugu-
ral speeches in this paper are laden with democratic
ideology with which the governors appear to sug-
gest their policy directions, but most importantly,
erase the conflicts that surround their emergence
as governors. Although elections in Nigeria are
known to be largely marked with electoral mal-
practices like violence, voter inducements, and
rigging (Abuza, 2020; Awosusi & Fasanmi, 2011),
the present study particularly finds that, within the
context of Nigerian politics, gubernatorial inaugu-
ral speeches are deployed by incoming governors to
interpret elections in fine democratic micro-nar-
ratives, as it suits their emergence as governors. In
other words, the inaugural speeches are mega nar-
ratives deliberately constructed to bear sweet tales
of unimpeachable elections with the aim of influ-
encing the citizens’ personal and social perception.
The implication of this is that because speeches tend
to give insights to political realities and histories
(Ugah & Olaniyan, 2020), inaugurated governors
tend to rewrite the malpractice realities through the
deployment of the democratic ideology and false
prediction that the outcome of elections represent
the popular will of the electorates. A trademark of
the political situation in Nigeria is the denigration
of opposition parties (Olorunsogo & Ige, 2022),
and this is evident in first-term gubernatorial inau-
gural speeches through the manifestation of the
messianic ideology which presents the idea that an
incoming administration would restore what an
outgoing government has destroyed.
However, if the new governor belongs to the same
party as the outgoing governor, both of them are
presented as saviors, and the salvation experience
is projected as a continuum. This implies that it is
easy to project the decadences in the governance
of previous administration when the outgoing
government is an opposition party. In addition,
there are a few possible reasons for resorting to ide-
alistic ideology in the speech of the governors. It
is possible that the incoming governors overrate
themselves due to ignorance of how things are and
how things work in actual governance. It is also
possible that they know about the impracticality of
their proposal but still use them to deceive the peo-
ple and get their immediate goodwill. A third and
related explanation is that they are not just aware
of the impossibility of their promises but are also
aware, that in deploying such ideology to anchor
their speeches, they are engaging the audience in a
game, a political ideological game. A further study
could be carried out to establish the manifestation
of the ideologies in second-term inaugural speeches
of governors who got re-elected to verify the ideals
projected in their first inaugural speeches.
References
Abuza, A. (2020). Election-less or non-election democracy:
a missing link in finding permanent solutions to the
problem of electoral malpractices in the politics of Ni-
geria. Commonwealth Law Bulletin, 46(2), 270–299.
https://doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2020.1767667
Awosusi, O., & Fasanmi, S. (2011). Do or die politics: Psy-
cho-Demographic influence on attitude towards
election rigging in Ekiti state, Nigeria. Procedia Social
and Behavioral Sciences, 15, 3895–3901. https://doi.
org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2011.04.391
Ayeomoni, O., & Akinkuolere, O. (2012). A pragmatic
analysis of victory and inaugural speeches of Presi-
dent Umaru Musa Yar‟Adua. Theory and Practice
in Language Studies, 2(3), 461–468. https://doi.
org/10.4304/tpls.2.3.461–468
Ball, T., Dagger, R., & O’Neill, D. (2019). Political ide-
ologies and the democratic ideal (11th ed.).
Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. https://doi.
org/10.4324/9780429286551
Biria, R., & Mohammadi, A. (2012). The socio prag-
matic functions of inaugural speech: A critical
discourse analysis approach. Journal of Pragmatics,
44(10), 1290–1302. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.
pragma.2012.05.013
Chukwu, M. O. (2023). Discursive construction of identity
in Nigerian newspaper reports on pipeline vandal-
ism. Philologist – Journal of Language, Literature,
and Cultural Studies, 14(27), 63–82. https://doi.
org/10.21618/fil2327063c
Ezeifeka, C. 2016. Analysis of thematic prominence in se-
lected Nigerian inaugural political speeches. ujah:
Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities, 17(2), 20–
46. https://doi.org//10.4314/ujah.v17i2.2
Medellín, ColoMbia, Vol. 29 issue 1 (January -april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
As established by earlier studies (Biria &
Mohammadi, 2012; Renaldo, 2021), the inaugu-
ral speeches in this paper are laden with democratic
ideology with which the governors appear to sug-
gest their policy directions, but most importantly,
erase the conflicts that surround their emergence
as governors. Although elections in Nigeria are
known to be largely marked with electoral mal-
practices like violence, voter inducements, and
rigging (Abuza, 2020; Awosusi & Fasanmi, 2011),
the present study particularly finds that, within the
context of Nigerian politics, gubernatorial inaugu-
ral speeches are deployed by incoming governors to
interpret elections in fine democratic micro-nar-
ratives, as it suits their emergence as governors. In
other words, the inaugural speeches are mega nar-
ratives deliberately constructed to bear sweet tales
of unimpeachable elections with the aim of influ-
encing the citizens’ personal and social perception.
The implication of this is that because speeches tend
to give insights to political realities and histories
(Ugah & Olaniyan, 2020), inaugurated governors
tend to rewrite the malpractice realities through the
deployment of the democratic ideology and false
prediction that the outcome of elections represent
the popular will of the electorates. A trademark of
the political situation in Nigeria is the denigration
of opposition parties (Olorunsogo & Ige, 2022),
and this is evident in first-term gubernatorial inau-
gural speeches through the manifestation of the
messianic ideology which presents the idea that an
incoming administration would restore what an
outgoing government has destroyed.
However, if the new governor belongs to the same
party as the outgoing governor, both of them are
presented as saviors, and the salvation experience
is projected as a continuum. This implies that it is
easy to project the decadences in the governance
of previous administration when the outgoing
government is an opposition party. In addition,
there are a few possible reasons for resorting to ide-
alistic ideology in the speech of the governors. It
is possible that the incoming governors overrate
themselves due to ignorance of how things are and
how things work in actual governance. It is also
possible that they know about the impracticality of
their proposal but still use them to deceive the peo-
ple and get their immediate goodwill. A third and
related explanation is that they are not just aware
of the impossibility of their promises but are also
aware, that in deploying such ideology to anchor
their speeches, they are engaging the audience in a
game, a political ideological game. A further study
could be carried out to establish the manifestation
of the ideologies in second-term inaugural speeches
of governors who got re-elected to verify the ideals
projected in their first inaugural speeches.
References
Abuza, A. (2020). Election-less or non-election democracy:
a missing link in finding permanent solutions to the
problem of electoral malpractices in the politics of Ni-
geria. Commonwealth Law Bulletin, 46(2), 270–299.
https://doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2020.1767667
Awosusi, O., & Fasanmi, S. (2011). Do or die politics: Psy-
cho-Demographic influence on attitude towards
election rigging in Ekiti state, Nigeria. Procedia Social
and Behavioral Sciences, 15, 3895–3901. https://doi.
org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2011.04.391
Ayeomoni, O., & Akinkuolere, O. (2012). A pragmatic
analysis of victory and inaugural speeches of Presi-
dent Umaru Musa Yar‟Adua. Theory and Practice
in Language Studies, 2(3), 461–468. https://doi.
org/10.4304/tpls.2.3.461–468
Ball, T., Dagger, R., & O’Neill, D. (2019). Political ide-
ologies and the democratic ideal (11th ed.).
Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. https://doi.
org/10.4324/9780429286551
Biria, R., & Mohammadi, A. (2012). The socio prag-
matic functions of inaugural speech: A critical
discourse analysis approach. Journal of Pragmatics,
44(10), 1290–1302. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.
pragma.2012.05.013
Chukwu, M. O. (2023). Discursive construction of identity
in Nigerian newspaper reports on pipeline vandal-
ism. Philologist – Journal of Language, Literature,
and Cultural Studies, 14(27), 63–82. https://doi.
org/10.21618/fil2327063c
Ezeifeka, C. 2016. Analysis of thematic prominence in se-
lected Nigerian inaugural political speeches. ujah:
Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities, 17(2), 20–
46. https://doi.org//10.4314/ujah.v17i2.2
16Íkala Mathias O. Chukwu and david OlOrunsOgO
Medellín, C oloMbia, V ol. 29 issue 1 (January-april, 2024), pp. 1-16, issn 0123-3432
www.udea.edu.co/ikala
Fagunleka, O. O., & Olorunsogo, D. (2022). Modal aux-
iliaries in selected newspaper editorials on medical
brain drain in Nigeria. Philologist – Journal of Lan-
guage, Literature, and Cultural Studies, 13(26),
151–169. https://doi.org/10.21618/fil2226151f
Freeden, M. (2001). Ideology. Political aspects. In N. J.
Smelser & B. Baltes (Eds.), International encyclopedia
of the social and behavioral sciences (pp. 7174–7177).
https://doi.org/10.1016/B0-08-043076-7/01154-2
Harrison, K., & Boyd, T. (2018). The role of ideology
in politics and society. In Understanding political
ideas and movements. Manchester University Press.
https://doi.org/10.7765/9781526137951.00011
Jost, J. T., Federico, C. M., & Napier, J. L. (2009). Politi-
cal ideology: Its structure, functions, and elective
affinities. Annual Review of Psychology, 60(1),
307–337. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.
psych.60.110707.163600
McGregor, S. (2003). Critical discourse analysis: A primer.
Kappa Omicron Nu Forum, 15(1), 1–11.
New King James Bible. (2004). Thomas Nelson (Original
work published 1982).
Nigeria Governors’ Forum. (2017). Inaugural speeches:
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Odebunmi, A., & Oni, F. (2012). Wording the gloom of an
African democracy: Lexical choices and cognition in
Nigeria‘s President Olusegun Obasanjo‘s inaugural
speeches. Ibadan Journal of English Studies, 8, 31–48.
Olorunsogo, D. & Akinade, O. (2020). “I’m upset with
China”: Evaluation of President Donald Trump’s
stances on coronavirus pandemic. Ibadan Journal of
Peace & Development, 10(1), 119–131.
Olorunsogo, D. & Ckukwu, M. (2021). Generic struc-
ture and pragmatic acts of gubernatorial inaugural
speeches in Southwestern Nigeria. Journal of English
Scholars’ Association of Nigeria, 23(1), 276–297.
Olorunsogo, D. & Ige, M. (2022). Other representations
in politics: ‘O To Ge’ rhetoric in Nigeria’s election
campaigns. Journal of Humanistic and Social Studies,
13(2), 149–162.
Olusola, E. (2020). Leadership ideology as a form of repre-
sentation in the inauguration speeches of Olusegun
Obasanjo. Marang: Journal of Language and Litera-
ture, 33, 138–151.
Oparinde, K., Rapeane-Mathonsi, M., & Mheta, G. (2021).
Exploring manipulative rhetorical choices in Nige-
rian political speeches. Cogent Arts & Humanities,
8(1), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.20
20.1864913
Renaldo, Z. (2021). Presupposition and ideology: A critical
discourse analysis of Joe Biden’s inaugural speech. Pro-
fessional Journal of English Education, 4(3), 497–503.
https://doi.org/10.22460/project.v4i3.p497-503
Slife B. D., & Zhang, M. (2014) Theistic
approaches to psychology. In T. Teo (Ed.), Ency-
clopedia of critical psychology. Springer. https://doi.
org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5583-7_664
Stibbe, A. (2015). Ecolinguistics: Language, ecology and the
stories-we- live-by. Routledge.
Sule, B., Sani, M., & Mat, B. (2018). Impact of political
party financing on integrity of 2015 general elec-
tion in Nigeria. Tamkang Journal of International
Affairs, 22(2), 165–218. https://doi.org/10.6185/
TJIA.V.201810_22(2).0003
Sunday, A. B. (2009). Ideologies on display: A Nigerian
election petition tribunal ruling. California Linguis-
tic Notes, 34(2), 1–20.
Sunday, A. B., & Ilori, M. A. (2020). Ideologies in proverbs
on security consciousness in selected Nollywood
movies. Journal of English Communication in Africa,
3(3&4), 52–79.
Ugah, H., & Olaniyan, O. (2020). Stance and evaluation in
the first inaugural speeches of Lagos state governors:
A roadmap for the development of Lagos state. Asian
Research Journal of Arts & Social Sciences, 10(4),
33–43. https://doi.org/10.9734/ARJASS/2020/
v10i430156
Van Dijk, T. A. (2006). Politics, ideology, and dis-
course. In Encyclopedia of language & linguistics
(2nd Ed.). 728–740. https://doi.org/10.1016/
b0-08-044854-2/00722-7
How to cite this article: Chukwu, M. O., & Olorunsogo, D. (2024). Ideologies on display: A critical
analysis of first-term gubernatorial inaugural speeches in Nigeria. Íkala, Revista de Lenguaje y Cultura,
29(1), 1–16. https://doi.org/10.17533/udea.ikala.353289